The article discusses the political situation in Ukraine following the general elections, with a focus on the formation of a coalition government. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) monitored the elections and deemed them positive. The Party of Regions led by Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych received the largest vote share, followed by the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko (ByuT) and President Yushchenko's Our Ukraine-People's Self-Defense Bloc (NUNS). Tymoshenko is expected to form a coalition with NUNS, potentially becoming the next prime minister. The article also touches on the cultural and linguistic divide in Ukraine, the potential role of the Lytvyn bloc in government formation, and the ongoing natural gas dispute with Russian state-owned Gazprom.

The article discusses the aftermath of Macedonia's parliamentary elections on June 1, which were marred by violence and allegations of fraud, particularly in Albanian districts. The ruling VMRO-DPMNE coalition won a majority, but the violence and irregularities observed by the OSCE may hinder Macedonia's NATO and EU membership aspirations. The elections were held early due to a political stalemate and the 'name issue' with Greece. Ethnic tensions between Macedonians and Albanians are highlighted, with the need for a coalition government involving one of the major Albanian parties, DUI or DPA. The article also touches on the historical context of the conflict in 2001 and the Ohrid Agreement, as well as the current political landscape and its implications for Macedonia's future stability and international relations.

The article discusses the ongoing political crisis in Georgia, which has been simmering since the 2003 Rose Revolution. It highlights the opposition's use of symbolic protests, such as mock jail cells, and the deep-seated animosity towards President Mikheil Saakashvili. Key opposition figures, including Nino Burjanadze, Salome Zourabichvili, and Irakli Alasania, are mentioned, as well as the role of television personality Giorgi Gachechiladze in the opposition movement. The article also covers the skepticism surrounding the government's claim of a Russian-backed military mutiny and the fragmented nature of Georgia's political culture as described by a local political science professor. Despite the opposition's demands for Saakashvili's resignation and new elections, there is little expectation that the president will step down, leading to a continued stalemate with protests and potential for further violence.

The article discusses the Turkish government's efforts to normalize relations with Armenia and the subsequent reaction from Azerbaijan, which is concerned about the implications for the Karabakh issue. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan reassured Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev that the opening of the Turkish-Armenian border is related to the Karabakh situation. The article includes an interview with Foreign Minister Petrosyan of Armenia, who expresses his views on the independence and resilience of Nagorno-Karabakh, the lack of international recognition and support, and the historical context of the conflict with Azerbaijan. Petrosyan also comments on the US's role, noting humanitarian aid but a lack of political resolution efforts. The article ends with a mention of recent 'constructive' talks between Armenian President Sargsian and Azerbaijani President Aliyev, with no further talks scheduled yet.

The article discusses the ongoing debate over the status of Nagorno-Karabakh and the possibility of a referendum as a part of the peace process facilitated by the OSCE Minsk Group. The Azerbaijani stance is that any referendum should be nationwide, while the Minsk Group had previously suggested a local referendum. Nagorno-Karabakh has already conducted two referenda, which were not recognized internationally due to the lack of participation from the Azeri population. The article includes comments from Mr. Petrosyan, a representative of Nagorno-Karabakh, emphasizing the region's desire to be a direct participant in negotiations. The article also touches on the 'conceptual breakthrough' announced by US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza and President Aliyev's mention of 'self-government' for Karabakh, suggesting a potential shift in the negotiation dynamics.

The article discusses the ongoing international dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh, a region that declared itself a republic after a conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Despite the involvement of the OSCE's Minsk Group, the region remains unrecognized and tensions persist, with Azerbaijan increasing its military budget and its president threatening action if negotiations fail. The NKR's foreign minister, Georgi Petrosyan, expresses concern over the possibility of renewed conflict but also emphasizes the importance of not fostering hatred among the youth. The article suggests that while war is a looming threat, the focus of discussions with Petrosyan also includes the negotiation process and the psychological aspects of the conflict.

The article discusses concerns raised by international journalist groups and Azerbaijani opposition regarding the Azerbaijani government's plans to restrict press freedom. A new law to regulate internet content is being considered, and recent amendments limit reporters' coverage capabilities. The Communications Minister has called for licensing Azerbaijani websites to combat 'illegal activities'. RSF has criticized these moves as an attempt to control news and information. Lawmaker Zahid Oruj claims the legislation aims to combat cybercrime and terrorism, not to suppress free speech. However, critics like Arastun Orujlu believe the government intends to pass the legislation quietly to control social media and independent news. The article also mentions the inclusion of Azerbaijan's president in RSF's list of 'Predators of Press Freedom' and the imprisonment of journalists and activists in the country. Concerns about the government's crackdown on independent media and the targeting of Radio Free Europe's Azerbaijan bureau are also highlighted.

The article discusses the near-outbreak of war in early April in the South Caucasus, specifically over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The region, which declared independence during the Soviet Union's collapse, has been a point of contention leading to a war from 1991 to 1994. The recent conflict saw Azerbaijan's army launching an offensive, breaking a ceasefire from 1994. The article suggests that Azerbaijan is demonstrating its dissatisfaction with the status quo and the peace process mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group. The author proposes several steps to avoid further conflict, including implementing the Madrid Principles, creating a demilitarized zone, increasing OSCE monitors, imposing sanctions for ceasefire violations, and considering Nagorno-Karabakh's participation in peace talks. The article also discusses the possibility of a land-swap deal and the complexities of a future referendum on Karabakh's status.

The article by Karl Rahder reports on the trial of three activists from the Yeni Fekir youth movement in Azerbaijan, accused of plotting to overthrow the government with alleged funding from Armenian secret agents. The trial, held in secret, is based on evidence including a videotape and testimony from witnesses. The defense argues that the case is an attempt to suppress political opposition. The trial's secrecy has drawn criticism from human rights groups and international observers like the OSCE and the US Department of State. The involvement of the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the Norwegian embassy, both critical of Azerbaijan's human rights record, has been highlighted in the case. The article details the complex web of accusations, the defense's strategy, and the broader implications for Azerbaijan's commitment to the rule of law and transparency.