The article discusses the global trend of lifting abortion restrictions, contrasting it with the potential reversal of Roe v. Wade in the United States. It highlights the erroneous arguments made by anti-abortion groups like the Susan B. Anthony List and the Center for Family and Human Rights, which claim that restrictive abortion laws align with international norms. The piece notes that over 50 countries have liberalized abortion laws in the past 25 years, while the U.S. risks joining authoritarian countries with more restrictive policies. The United Nations and human rights experts argue that banning abortions would violate international human rights law.

Marseille is experiencing a resurgence of activity as the city reduces its curfew hours from 9pm to 11pm, bringing relief to residents and businesses. The city's vibrant nightlife is returning, with people enjoying outdoor dining and entertainment. The Festival de Marseille is set to open with a positive outlook, and the local football club, Olympique de Marseille, is considering reopening its stadium to the public as France's vaccination program progresses.

In Libya, a power struggle between rival governments and militias is causing significant instability. Omar al-Hasi leads a self-declared national salvation government in Tripoli, opposing Prime Minister Abdullah al-Thinni's internationally recognized administration based in Tobruk. The conflict is marked by competing claims of legitimacy, with militias like Libyan Dawn playing a crucial role. The situation is further complicated by regional influences and internal divisions, leaving ordinary Libyans uncertain about their country's future. Efforts to improve security and governance in Tripoli face skepticism amid ongoing violence and political polarization.

Libya has become a focal point in a regional power struggle between supporters and opponents of political Islam. Recent airstrikes in Tripoli, allegedly conducted by Egypt and the UAE, targeted Islamist-allied militias but failed to achieve their immediate goals. The conflict, rooted in the 2011 uprising against Muammar al-Qaddafi, has seen various factions backed by regional powers. Key figures like Mahmoud Jibril and Hassan Tatanaki, who oppose Islamist influence, are central to the anti-Islamist strategy. Despite setbacks, these factions are preparing for a prolonged struggle against Islamist forces, who remain influential despite recent electoral losses.

The article discusses retired Gen. Khalifa Haftar's rogue campaign against Islamist militias in Libya, particularly focusing on Ansar al-Sharia. Haftar's actions have garnered support from various factions, including former Prime Minister Ali Zeidan and the country's UN ambassador, due to a shared opposition to Islamist militias. The campaign, dubbed 'Operation Dignity,' has led to significant violence and public demonstrations, with opinions divided on Haftar's methods and intentions. The conflict highlights the broader struggle within Libya between Islamist factions and those seeking to curb their influence, setting the stage for a prolonged and bloody conflict.

Libya's Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Justice and Construction Party (JCP) is striving to grow amidst a polarized political landscape. Despite its strong internal organization, the JCP struggles with public skepticism due to its association with the Muslim Brotherhood, which has been demonized by the former Qaddafi regime and faces criticism from both anti-Islamist factions and within the broader Islamist movement. The party emphasizes inclusivity and democracy but is challenged by the country's militia-driven politics and the broader regional setbacks of the Brotherhood. The JCP's future in Libya's political scene remains uncertain as it debates its role in upcoming elections.

Libya's political landscape remains tumultuous as Basit Igtet, a businessman with a diverse background, campaigns for the prime minister's position. Despite his Western-style campaign and connections to U.S. power brokers, Igtet faces skepticism due to his lack of a domestic power base and his controversial personal ties. The article highlights the challenges faced by previous prime ministers, the complex political environment, and Igtet's efforts to present himself as a unifying, non-partisan figure capable of addressing Libya's multifaceted issues.

Tensions in Benghazi remain high following the U.S. consulate attack, with ongoing violence and security challenges. The city is divided among powerful militias, remnants of the old regime, and ideological factions, including Islamists and federalists. The new interior minister, Ashour Shuwail, faces skepticism and hopes as he plans to improve security by increasing police presence and regulating arms. The investigation into the consulate attack has stalled, highlighting Libya's lack of established security forces and a functioning judicial system.

The article explores the efforts of the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood to reintroduce itself to Libyan society after decades of repression under Qaddafi. It highlights the challenges the Brotherhood faces in overcoming negative perceptions and its attempts to differentiate itself from more radical Islamist groups like the Salafists. Key figures such as Mohammed Sawan, Nizar Kawan, and Bashir Kabti are discussed, along with the Brotherhood's political arm, the Justice and Construction Party, and its performance in recent elections. The Brotherhood's strategy includes registering as an NGO, engaging in community welfare, and clarifying its stance on democracy and Islamic principles.

Ansar al-Sharia, a hardline Islamist faction in Benghazi, is accused of involvement in the deadly attack on the U.S. consulate that killed Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other Americans. Leaders Mohammed al-Zahawi and Sheikh Nasser al-Tarshani deny the group's involvement, attributing the attack to emotional responses to an anti-Islam film and suggesting political motivations behind the accusations. They emphasize their role in local security and social services while expressing skepticism about Libya's new political order and the potential for U.S. military action. The article highlights the group's controversial presence and the broader implications for Libya's post-revolutionary landscape.

Liwa al-Ummah, a brigade formed by Mahdi al-Harati, a Libyan-born Irish citizen, has emerged as a significant force in the Syrian Civil War. Comprised mostly of Syrians and some Libyans, the brigade is noted for its organization and discipline. Harati, leveraging his experience from the Libyan revolution, has helped train and coordinate Syrian rebels. The brigade, distinct from the Free Syrian Army, is also developing a political wing. Despite concerns about foreign fighters, Liwa al-Ummah is seen positively by many Syrians for its structured approach and Islamic principles. The group is well-funded through private donations and is preparing for both military and political battles ahead.

In Benghazi, Mohammed Sawan of the Justice and Construction Party (JCP) led a significant rally ahead of Libya's national assembly elections, emphasizing the party's nationalist agenda with an Islamic frame of reference. The JCP, along with other Islamist parties like the Homeland Party and Hizb al Umma al Wasat, is expected to perform well, with predictions of securing a substantial portion of the assembly seats. The article highlights the diverse political landscape, including the challenges faced by Islamist parties in gaining public trust and the potential for cooperation among them in the future assembly.