Rob Evans

Jon Boutcher told the spycops public inquiry that he shut down the Metropolitan Police’s Special Demonstration Squad after concluding it conducted unjustified surveillance, was poorly managed and resisted reform. The unit infiltrated largely leftwing, environmental, anti-racist, pro-Palestinian and arms-trade groups while making little effort to target terrorist organizations. Boutcher condemned undercover officers’ sexual relationships with women they were spying on, surveillance of grieving families including those of Jean Charles de Menezes, exaggerated claims of success, inadequate training and questionable overtime spending. The inquiry is examining the conduct of 139 officers involved in covert operations from 1968 to at least 2010.

The UK government, police chiefs and the forces in Suffolk and Cambridgeshire are reviewing why investigations into serious alleged crimes by US military personnel on British soil have been transferred to US military authorities. The Guardian identified cases involving alleged rape and sexual assault in which defendants avoided British courts and were prosecuted under the US military justice system, where victims may receive fewer protections and rape has a narrower legal definition. The reviews follow the case of Capt Jacob Wulfson, who was convicted of strangling Sarah Steele but acquitted of sexual assault and sentenced to six months. Ministers are consulting Steele, seeking an account from the US, and urging police to obtain Crown Prosecution Service advice before transferring cases.

James Loubeau, a former US airman, was accused of sexually assaulting six women in eastern England during a four-month period in 2019, including allegedly drugging or attacking sleeping women. Suffolk police transferred responsibility for allegations involving two British women to US military police less than two weeks after they reported the attacks, allowing the case to proceed through the opaque US military justice system, where Loubeau was acquitted in 2020. He was later discharged from the Air Force and, following an FBI investigation and DNA evidence, convicted in a US federal court in 2025 of sexually assaulting an American servicewoman at RAF Mildenhall. The case has intensified scrutiny of British police decisions to cede jurisdiction over crimes committed by US personnel in the UK.

The Metropolitan Police spent £2.5m relocating undercover officer John Dines and helping him buy a more expensive house in Sydney after fearing that his former partner, campaigner Helen Steel, would discover his identity. Documents submitted to the spycops inquiry show that Scotland Yard also asked New Zealand police to monitor Steel and her family during a 2002 visit. Steel says the operation abused state power to conceal Dines's deception and sexual exploitation, while police claimed she posed a threat to him. The disclosures add to evidence of widespread misconduct by undercover officers, including spying on campaigners, accessing confidential legal information and deceiving women into sexual relationships.

Paul Condon acknowledged longstanding systemic failures by the Metropolitan police in overseeing the Special Demonstration Squad, whose undercover officers committed serious abuses while spying on political activists. He apologised to those harmed and said officers were encouraged to lie and deceive without adequate ethical guidance. Condon denied knowing about specific misconduct, including surveillance of the family of Stephen Lawrence, despite claims that reports were sent directly to him. The inquiry, led by Sir John Mitting, continues to examine extensive wrongdoing by the unit over decades.

British women Rebecca and Emily describe the trauma of pursuing sexual assault allegations against US airman Tyrion Davis, whose prosecution was transferred from UK authorities to a US military court. Both women recount distressing experiences during the investigation and invasive court martial process, where the jury comprised Davis’s military peers. Davis was convicted on one count of sexual assault against Emily but acquitted of all other charges, receiving a 10‑month sentence and a dishonourable discharge. The case highlights concerns over US military jurisdiction in the UK and the fairness of court martial proceedings, prompting renewed scrutiny from UK officials and raising broader questions about victims’ rights and cross‑border justice.

Cambridgeshire police handed the investigation of airman Hannes Marschalek to the US military after multiple allegations that he exposed himself to a 16-year-old girl and several women in Littleport. Despite the incidents occurring off duty on British soil, the US obtained jurisdiction, leading to a negotiated plea bargain in a 2023 court martial. Marschalek’s conviction was later overturned on appeal due to a charging error, though he remains on the US sex offender registry. The case echoes that of Jacob Wulfson and intensifies scrutiny of an agreement allowing the US to request control of off-base criminal cases, prompting concerns in the UK government and calls for greater accountability from US authorities.

UK deputy prime minister David Lammy is pressing the US government for a full explanation of the handling of Sarah Steele’s assault case, in which American pilot Capt Jacob Wulfson was tried by a US military court despite the crime occurring off duty in Cambridge. The case has raised concerns about jurisdictional arrangements that allow US military personnel to be prosecuted under American rather than English law. UK officials are reviewing the cross-agency issues involved, while MPs from multiple parties have called for such crimes on British soil to be handled by domestic authorities. Wulfson received a six‑month sentence from an all-male US air force panel and was dismissed from service, prompting debate over the transparency and fairness of the military justice process.

More than $4bn will be used to upgrade US military and intelligence bases in the UK, including new infrastructure at RAF Lakenheath that is expected to store modern nuclear weapons. Additional spending is allocated to facilities at Mildenhall, Fairford and the secretive Menwith Hill surveillance base. The upgrades support nuclear storage, special operations, and long‑range bomber missions, while raising questions about the UK's role in hosting US military assets and the implications for UK‑US defense relations.

Cambridgeshire police allowed the US Air Force to take control of the investigation into an assault by American pilot Jacob Wulfson, enabling the case to be tried in a US military court rather than in the UK. Victim Sarah Steele disputes claims that she did not want contact with British police and describes her experience with the military justice system as distressing. The decision has drawn scrutiny from MPs and raised concerns about how UK authorities handle cases involving US personnel, prompting calls for policy changes and government review.

A British academic who was strangled by a US fighter pilot in Cambridge criticises the decision by UK authorities to allow American military prosecutors to take over the case, resulting in a court martial at RAF Lakenheath. She describes aggressive questioning, lack of victim protections, and an all‑male panel acting as a jury. The case highlights gaps in how UK police handle crimes committed by visiting US personnel and raises concerns about opaque jurisdictional transfers that may undermine justice for British victims. The pilot received six months’ confinement and dismissal from the US Air Force, a sentence considered lenient under British standards, while an appeal is pending.

King Charles disclosed paying £24.6m in tax over two years, marking an unprecedented step toward transparency, but key details of his finances remain hidden. While the amount of tax paid was revealed, the sources of income, deductions for official expenses, and the extent of his private wealth were not. Estimates place his personal fortune at £1.8bn, a figure the palace disputes but refuses to clarify. Broader financial opacity persists, including secrecy around payments to working royals, ownership of valuable gifts, and sealed royal wills. The disclosure provides limited insight and leaves significant questions about royal wealth and accountability unresolved.

US military personnel stationed in the UK are frequently tried in US courts martial for crimes committed on British soil under a 1951 Status of Forces agreement allowing the US to assert jurisdiction, even in cases unrelated to duty. Although British authorities formally retain the first right to prosecute, they often cede cases to the US at American request. Critics note that the process lacks transparency and can sidestep UK courts, prompting scrutiny of whether UK agencies are overly deferential. While the US argues that internal prosecution maintains discipline and consistent punishment, UK authorities occasionally insist on jurisdiction, as seen when the Crown Prosecution Service successfully challenged a US attempt to take over a fatal driving case involving airman Mikayla Hayes.

A US fighter pilot accused of drugging and strangling British academic Sarah Steele was tried not in a UK court but before a US military court martial at RAF Lakenheath, where an all‑male panel of fellow airmen convicted him only of strangulation and disobeying orders. Despite UK authorities having primary jurisdiction for off‑base crimes, police ceded control to US investigators. The court martial limited admissible evidence, allowed aggressive cross‑examination of Steele, and permitted character testimony emphasizing the pilot’s combat record. The panel sentenced him to six months’ confinement, a reprimand and dismissal, far below the maximum possible penalty. Steele described the process as degrading and intrusive, highlighting shortcomings in how the US military handles sexual assault cases involving alleged crimes in the UK.

Fifteen US-controlled military installations across the UK have become central to operations in the war with Iran, raising new political scrutiny over their purpose and the limits of British oversight. Bases such as RAF Fairford, Mildenhall, Lakenheath and Menwith Hill have supported bombing missions, aerial refuelling and intelligence gathering, while evidence suggests nuclear weapons may again be stored at Lakenheath. Longstanding but opaque agreements between the two governments govern their use, with uncertainty over how British approval is applied in practice. The conflict and tensions with the Trump administration have prompted calls from some UK political figures to reconsider the presence of these sites. The bases function as part of a global US military network, whose use increasingly depends on diplomatic alignment with host nations.

An undercover police officer who infiltrated leftwing and pro‑Palestinian groups was revealed at the spycops inquiry to have been dismissed for assaulting his long‑term partner. Testimony detailed how he deceived another woman, Maya, into an intimate relationship while concealing both his identity and a prior vasectomy, contributing to emotional harm and long‑lasting distress. Inquiry questioning highlighted patterns of manipulation, undisclosed personal circumstances, and misconduct within the Special Demonstration Squad, as well as broader concerns about undercover officers forming intimate relationships with women over several decades.

An undercover officer known as Simon Wellings admitted to the spycops inquiry that he exposed himself by accidentally recording a special branch meeting onto an activist’s voicemail while infiltrating Globalise Resistance in 2004. Activists recognised his voice, confronted him and expelled him, prompting internal police discussions about whether to keep the group intact or attempt a disruptive operation. Wellings, who filed thousands of surveillance reports during his deployment, denied activists’ claims that he exaggerated intelligence, saying he reported only what he observed. The inquiry is expected to question senior officers about the incident later in the year.

Undercover officers monitored the family of Jean Charles de Menezes while they campaigned for accountability after his wrongful killing by Metropolitan police in 2005. Inquiry testimony revealed secret files detailing meetings, supporters and planned commemorations, despite the family’s peaceful actions. Senior police spread false claims about de Menezes, and multiple undercover officers were tasked with gathering intelligence on reactions to the shooting. The inquiry is examining decades of covert surveillance targeting grieving families and campaign groups, raising ongoing concerns about police overreach and civil liberties.

A public inquiry heard that undercover police officer Carlo Soracchi used manipulative and cruel fabrications to deceive two women into long-term relationships during his deployment infiltrating leftwing and anti-fascist groups between 2000 and 2006. Evidence showed he lied about family tragedies, exploited personal vulnerabilities, and used public funds for personal trips, including a Valentine’s Day trip to Italy. Donna McLean, who was in a two‑year relationship with him, said the deception caused lasting harm. Soracchi admitted to several lies and misuse of funds but denied proposing marriage or wanting a child. The inquiry continues to examine the conduct of more than 100 undercover officers over four decades.

An undercover officer, Carlo Soracchi, is accused of using Metropolitan police funds to pay for a romantic trip to Venice with a woman he deceived into a relationship, despite claiming it was for political engagement with Italian socialists. Testimony from two women he had relationships with disputes his account and alleges extensive deception. Documents show the Special Demonstration Squad approved the trip, and a supervisor also travelled on police funds. The spycops inquiry is examining decades of undercover infiltration of left‑wing groups and the officers’ intimate relationships with women who were unaware of their true identities.

Secret papers from the spycops inquiry reveal that senior Metropolitan police officers praised undercover officer Jim Boyling for lying about his identity during the prosecution of environmental activists. Boyling, who infiltrated activist groups in the 1990s, maintained his false persona throughout a trial with the approval of his superiors, who believed concealment protected operations and enhanced his credibility. The inquiry has documented a long-standing policy within the Special Demonstration Squad of withholding officers’ true identities from courts, leading to wrongful convictions and raising concerns about violations of fair‑trial rights. Evidence shows that undercover officers misled courts in multiple trials over several decades, prompting renewed scrutiny of the unit’s practices and oversight.

An undercover officer, Jim Boyling, told the spycops public inquiry that Metropolitan police managers maintained a “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy on covert officers forming long-term deceptive sexual relationships with activists. Boyling detailed how he had relationships with three women while infiltrating environmental groups, with senior officers allegedly aware such relationships were common but discouraging discussion of them. Testimony from the women described emotional, psychological, and sexual harm. The inquiry, led by Sir John Mitting, is examining decades of undercover surveillance targeting predominantly leftwing campaigners and the systemic failures that enabled these abuses.

Testimony to the spycops inquiry alleges that undercover officer Carlo Soracchi twice urged anti‑fascist activists to firebomb a shop linked to far‑right fundraising. The activists rejected the suggestion and accuse Soracchi of acting as an agent provocateur and fabricating surveillance reports. Soracchi denies the claims and instead accuses an activist of making the proposal, which the activist calls a lie. Witnesses say Soracchi had failed to justify years of infiltration because the groups were non‑violent. The inquiry will question him about the allegations, his undercover relationships, and the accuracy of his reporting.

A House of Lords investigation found the Earl of Shrewsbury breached rules by using publicly funded travel for private business and submitting inaccurate mileage claims shortly after serving a previous suspension for lobbying. Campaigners criticised the recommended two‑week suspension as inadequate given the repeated misconduct, warning it undermines trust and highlights weak enforcement of parliamentary standards.

A former UK police informer, Nick Gratwick, was sentenced to life imprisonment after being convicted of 38 child sexual abuse offences, including plotting to rape children in the UK and abroad. The court heard he exchanged encrypted messages with other abusers, arranged to pay a Romanian woman to assault her daughter, and possessed over 1,300 abuse images. Gratwick had previously infiltrated environmental and animal rights groups in the 1990s and 2000s while working covertly with police. The jury rejected his claim that he had assumed a false identity to expose paedophiles. He will be eligible for parole after 19 years.