Simon Tisdall

Marco Rubio is portrayed as having unusual leverage to help end the wars in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran but choosing instead to enable Donald Trump’s coercive and nationalist foreign policy. The commentary argues that Rubio’s reluctance to lead negotiations, support for dismantling international institutions and willingness to adapt his positions to Trump make him especially dangerous because he presents an apparently reasonable face for US supremacy. Tisdall contends that Rubio could use American influence to pursue ceasefires, restrain Israel, revive Iran talks and restore diplomacy, but may prioritize political ambition and loyalty to Trump instead.

Xi Jinping is using international distractions involving Iran, Ukraine and Palestine to intensify repression at home and expand China's influence abroad. A new ethnic-unity law would accelerate the assimilation of Tibetans, Uyghurs, Mongolians and other minorities, while Beijing continues suppressing dissent in Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and religious communities. The article argues that Western governments have become overly cautious because of China's economic and military power. Internationally, China is pressuring Taiwan, Japan and the Philippines, supporting Russia and potentially Iran, and using rare-earth and drone-technology restrictions as trade weapons. Donald Trump's retreat from traditional alliances and challenges to the global order are portrayed as creating an opportunity for Xi to pursue regional dominance, challenge the US in artificial intelligence and shape a new multipolar order. Despite these gains, Xi remains an unelected autocrat whose economic shortcomings and authoritarianism could eventually provoke domestic resistance.

The failed US-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate the dangers of exaggerated threats, political dishonesty, national hubris and open-ended military intervention. The commentary argues that Donald Trump’s attack on Iran is repeating those mistakes, escalating into another unwinnable forever war driven by fear, economic and geopolitical ambition, weak diplomacy and presidential ego. Trump’s shifting threats and negotiations, combined with Iranian hardliners’ regional escalation, have created a crisis that risks mounting civilian deaths, war crimes and wider Middle Eastern instability.

Maritime conflict and coercion are spreading from the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea to the South China Sea, waters around Taiwan, and the North Sea. The article argues that US and Iranian disputes over passage fees, China’s rejection of maritime rulings and military pressure on its neighbors, and Russia’s activity around European undersea infrastructure demonstrate the weakening of international maritime law and the rules-based order. These tensions threaten global trade and supply chains, encourage an accelerating arms race, and are increasing pressure on the UK and other governments to strengthen naval and wider defense capabilities.

Simon Tisdall argues that Donald Trump, rather than Iran, is the greatest danger driving the escalating US-Iran war. He condemns Trump’s lack of planning, reliance on Israeli assurances, disregard for Congress and allies, and refusal to seek a diplomatic exit after bombing failed to achieve its aims. The conflict is portrayed as threatening civilians, US troops, Gulf allies, international law, global energy markets and developing countries, while strengthening Iran and benefiting Russia and China. Tisdall links the Iran crisis to Trump’s unsuccessful approaches to Gaza and Ukraine, concluding that only the American public can ultimately stop a president whose foreign policy has made the United States more isolated and unstable.

The 2026 World Cup is presented as a temporary but powerful challenge to conventional geopolitical hierarchies: small and underdog nations have excelled while several populous or influential countries have failed to qualify. The tournament's multicultural crowds and diverse teams offer a rebuke to authoritarianism, xenophobia and claims that societies are irreparably divided. At the same time, FIFA and Gianni Infantino are criticized for corruption, commercial exploitation and political favoritism, including alleged interference in the USA–Belgium match and efforts to curry favor with Donald Trump. Tensions with UEFA and demands from African football authorities suggest that football's established power structures are weakening, although it remains uncertain whether the tournament's celebration of diversity will produce lasting gains in global fairness and equality.

World leaders such as Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin and Benjamin Netanyahu are portrayed as driving a global collapse in moral standards through violence, corruption and disregard for international law. Pope Leo is presented as a rare figure offering principled moral leadership, condemning war, authoritarianism and the misuse of religion for political gain while seeking to reform just‑war doctrine. Religious and civic figures, including the archbishop of Canterbury, are described as joining a broader struggle to restore moral responsibility in global affairs. The text argues that reversing moral decline is essential for political stability and urges progressive majorities to confront authoritarian leaders who reject basic ethical norms.

Simon Tisdall argues that Benjamin Netanyahu’s strategy of using overwhelming military force against Iran and regional opponents has failed, leaving Israel without its promised victories and Iran emboldened. The resulting US-Israel confrontation, including Donald Trump’s willingness to accept Iranian enrichment and demand a Lebanon ceasefire, has severely damaged the countries’ strategic relationship. Tisdall contends that Netanyahu’s political survival is now unlikely because he has alienated Washington, weakened support for Israel in the United States and trapped himself between defying Trump and losing credibility with Israeli hardliners. He concludes that Netanyahu should resign and warns that the rupture could reshape regional alliances, reduce unconditional US support for Israel and ease Iran’s isolation.

Russia’s battlefield position in Ukraine is portrayed as deteriorating because of effective Ukrainian drone and missile strikes, mounting Russian casualties, stalled advances and domestic economic strain. Rather than seeking peace after a defeat, Vladimir Putin may escalate through attacks beyond Ukraine, cyberwarfare, sabotage, disinformation, incursions into NATO airspace and potentially nuclear threats. A ceasefire without firm security guarantees could allow Russia to rearm and leave Ukraine exposed, while weakening European support. The piece argues that Europe must recognize the broader undeclared war and impose greater costs on Moscow, concluding that removing Putin is essential to ending the conflict.

Donald Trump’s claims to be an effective peacemaker are undermined by failed or collapsing ceasefires in Ukraine, Iran, Gaza and Lebanon. His reliance on military force, quick deals, inexperienced envoys and political theatrics has worsened conflicts, while the exclusion of key actors and disregard for diplomacy have blocked durable settlements. The broader crisis reflects a world order weakened by contempt for international law, institutional failure and leaders’ pursuit of short-term advantage. The resulting costs are borne by civilians, with deaths, displacement and injuries mounting across the Middle East and other conflict zones. Lasting peace, the column argues, will require sustained, professional and inclusive diplomacy rather than declarations of victory or overwhelming force.

Growing threats from Donald Trump, Russia and intensifying Arctic competition are making EU membership more attractive to Iceland, Greenland and other northern European communities. Yet the EU remains hindered by bureaucracy, national rivalries and slow, poorly coordinated responses on defense, Ukraine, trade and enlargement. The piece argues that Brussels must urgently develop greater strategic autonomy, improve its institutions and seize renewed interest in European integration before hostile powers exploit its weaknesses.

Simon Tisdall argues that the prolonged US war over Iran is creating a global humanitarian, economic and geopolitical catastrophe, with rising food and energy prices, increased hunger, weakened alliances and strengthened Russia and China. He says Donald Trump is trapped between escalating an ineffective bombing campaign and accepting a peace deal that would expose the failure of his original aims. Tisdall calls for coordinated pressure from Western governments, the EU, G7, G20, BRICS, the UN and other international bodies, including sanctions and diplomatic restrictions, while urging Americans and Congress to oppose the constitutionally unauthorized war and punish Trump and Republican supporters in the midterm elections.

Simon Tisdall argues that widespread Western pessimism may ease as the political power of Donald Trump, Benjamin Netanyahu and Vladimir Putin declines. He points to Russia’s costly and prolonged war in Ukraine, Netanyahu’s military and political failures, and Trump’s economic problems and unpopular foreign policy as vulnerabilities that could lead to leadership changes or reduced influence. Potential defeats for Netanyahu and Trump, and a possible post-Putin shift in Russia, would not automatically resolve the underlying conflicts or authoritarian structures, but could reduce warfare, repression and democratic damage and create space for renewed hope.

Virginia Democrats asked the US Supreme Court to overturn a Virginia Supreme Court decision that invalidated a voter-approved congressional map expected to strengthen Democrats in the midterm elections. The live coverage also reported the US Supreme Court’s 6-3 decision allowing Alabama to use a map eliminating a majority-Black district, drawing accusations from the NAACP of a return to Jim Crow. Other developments included a temporary extension of nationwide mail-order access to mifepristone, Trump’s renewed nomination of Cameron Hamilton to lead FEMA, plans to reduce beef-import tariffs amid rising prices, and nominations of election deniers Kari Lake and Doug Mastriano as ambassadors. Trump was also preparing for a China trip with Xi Jinping alongside prominent technology and finance executives, while Democrats vowed to oppose a budget bill funding immigration enforcement and security for Trump’s proposed ballroom.

Donald Trump’s planned Beijing summit is portrayed as a meeting in which Xi Jinping holds the stronger hand. Trump needs China to influence Iran, protect energy flows through the Strait of Hormuz and deliver a diplomatic success after setbacks in the Middle East, while China benefits from the erosion of US credibility and military focus. Xi may demand concessions on Taiwan, rare-earth minerals or trade, and could expand support for Iran if negotiations fail. The weakened US position has alarmed Taiwan and regional allies including Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, raising fears that Trump could sacrifice long-standing strategic commitments for a short-term agreement.

Simon Tisdall argues that King Charles III used his Washington visit and addresses to Congress and the White House to offer Americans a subtle history lesson about constitutional limits, parliamentary sovereignty, democratic values and the importance of alliances. Charles’s references to Magna Carta, the 1688 Bill of Rights, 9/11 and the long US-UK relationship reportedly united Democrats and Republicans in applause while easing tensions between the two countries. Tisdall contrasts this message of calm, unity and historical perspective with Donald Trump’s destabilizing leadership and argues that the United States has strayed from its democratic traditions. He concludes that Trump should apply the same approach to Iran by de-escalating, negotiating in good faith, ending sanctions in exchange for limits on nuclear development and regional proxies, and restoring the US to what Tisdall considers the right side of history.

The column argues that Iran did not possess a nuclear weapon before the war, but that repeated US and Israeli attacks, threats and diplomatic betrayals could now persuade Tehran that nuclear weapons are essential for self-defence. It warns that Iran might obtain assistance from North Korea or Russia and says the perceived double standard between Iran and nuclear-armed North Korea is encouraging proliferation. The broader collapse of arms-control agreements, nuclear modernisation and threats by major powers could prompt countries such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan to seek their own deterrents. The author concludes that only a just negotiated settlement and renewed commitment to disarmament can prevent a return to mutually assured destruction.

JD Vance’s loyalty to Donald Trump has left him serving as the public fall guy for a series of political and foreign-policy failures, including unsuccessful Iran negotiations, Viktor Orbán’s defeat in Hungary and Trump’s attacks on Pope Leo XIV. His poll ratings and prospects as the likely 2028 Republican successor are weakening, while Trump’s erratic conduct is eroding support. Vance cannot be removed as an elected vice-president and could potentially help invoke the 25th Amendment if Trump were deemed unfit, but the article argues that he must soon distance himself from Trump, develop greater statesmanship and show humility if he is to preserve his political future.

Simon Tisdall argues that King Charles should use his planned address to a joint session of the US Congress to deliver a forceful warning about the Trump administration’s direction rather than provide ceremonial praise. The proposed speech would condemn threats to voting rights, free speech and immigrants; attacks on NATO, Ukraine, the United Nations and international law; protectionist tariffs; military actions in the Middle East; climate-change denial; and cuts to foreign aid. Tisdall says such criticism could demonstrate solidarity with the American people, challenge Trump’s attempt to use the royal visit as political propaganda and help redefine the UK-US relationship.

The article argues that Donald Trump, Pete Hegseth and allied evangelical nationalists are using Christianity to justify an aggressive war against Iran and to legitimise violence, dehumanisation and disregard for international law. It says this religiously framed militarism is part of a wider collapse of the post-1945 global rules-based order, alongside the invasion of Ukraine and the war in Gaza. Religious leaders across Christian, Muslim and Jewish communities are urged to unite in opposing war, defending vulnerable populations and challenging state lawlessness. The piece concludes that Americans should confront the deeper exceptionalist mentality exposed by Trump and end the Iran campaign.

Donald Trump is reportedly considering sending US ground troops into Iran as his war becomes increasingly difficult to end. Iran continues resisting, the Strait of Hormuz remains largely closed, Israel continues its attacks, and the Houthi movement threatens regional trade routes. A ground invasion could lead to heavy casualties, mission creep and a prolonged occupation reminiscent of Iraq and Afghanistan. Trump’s maximalist peace demands conflict with Iran’s demands for an end to US-Israeli aggression, reparations and sanctions relief, leaving him with the choice of accepting a political defeat or escalating the war. Negotiations are presented as the only rational way out, though Trump’s pride and political character make that outcome unlikely.